#Suicide in African Cultures – The Igbo People of Nigeria

The Igbo people of modern day Nigeria conceptualized the idea and act of suicide much the same way as the Luo people of modern day Kenya. The Igbo have a concept known as Nso ani – a religious offence of a kind abhorred by everyone. Nso ani is a sin so grave that it is not only abhorrent to anyone, but it is a sin against the earth itself. Suicide is one of these sins. If we can borrow Chinua Achebe’s exploration of this concept through Things Fall Apart, we learn that a person who commits suicide has committed an evil act, has accepted a bad death, and bad deaths disrupt the normal cycles of life.

As a result, there were harsh consequences for those who committed suicide. First, the very land on which they did this was considered polluted. Such a land could only be cleansed through elaborate rituals. If one hanged themselves on a tree, the tree would be cut down. If one hanged themselves inside the house, say on a rafter, the house would be burned down to prevent another person from committing suicide in the same house. If it was carried in the yam barn, the yams would be burnt down together with the barn. The bodies of those who committed suicide, just like among the Luo, did not receive a decent burial. They were buried in the evil forest. If a person hanged themselves on a farmland, a grave would be dug directly under the hanging body so that when the rope is cut the corpse would fall directly into the grave and be buried. If a person drowned themselves in a well, such a well would be condemned, declared unusable, and it would be destroyed.

In a paper by Norbert Oparaji “A Theological Evaluation of Suicide in Igbo Traditional Culture”, the author notes that the ethno-theological phenomenon of suicide in the Igbo traditional culture pertained to principles such as the character of sin, the common good, the Imago Dei, sanctity of life and atonement. Imago Dei is the theological conception of the “Image of God” and within Catechism of the Catholic Church (CCC 2281) suicide is forbidden by the fifth commandment (“thou shall not kill”) and is considered “gravely contrary to the love of self”. In a sense, traditional Igbo philosophical view of suicide was to a large extent similar to the Christian view, which would be forced onto the people later by the colonialists.

According to Igbo philosophy, the life of a person is circumscribed within Uwa (the world), which is composed of the physical and spiritual, the abode of humans and spirits. The human is composed of ahu(body), mkpuruobi(heart) and nmuo(spirit), and the basic unity of these is mmadu(person). This is different from Greek philosophy, in which Plato held that the spirit of a person is assumed as a separate living entity inhabiting a body, or Aristotle, in which spirit is a form of the body. In Igbo, ahu, nmuo, and mmadu are inseperable, and is expressed as one entity, nmuo, the person.

This inseparability informs the ontological goodness of the human person which is held as immensely significant among the Igbo. Therefore, in pursuit of the ultimate good (summum bonun), the person is guided by the desire for ndu life and its preservation, and that despite the nsogu (difficulties and frustrations), this pursuit should not transgress the moral order. It is not uncommon, therefore, among the Igbo, for prominence given to concepts such as ndubisi (meaning, life is of prime value and should be preserved), ndukaku (life is greater than wealth, hence wealth must not be pursued at the expense of life), or nduamaka (life is good).

The prominence given to ontological goodness of the person in Igbo philosophy informs the harsh view of suicide. Suicide is onwu ojoo (a bad death) and dreaded or regarded as nso ani (taboo or grave sin against natural order). A “good death” will cause the deceased to reincarnate; but “bad deaths” disrupt this cycle – they are unable to join their ancestors or reincarnate.


#Suicide in African Cultures – The Luo Peoples (Kenya)

Among the Luo Peoples suicide was a taboo. People were not allowed to commit suicide. In the old days, in Luo Kitgi gi Timbegi, it was an absolute taboo to commit suicide. The Luo believed that if a person committed suicide, they had become a ghost and would punish people who spoke at their funeral. To prevent this, if a person committed suicide, say hanged themselves on a tree, they’d immediately be cut down from the noose and caned thoroughly. The Luo believed that the caning would stop the ghost of the person or evil spirits from roaming back home and prompting other people to kill themselves.

A person who committed suicide was not mourned, lest evil spirits haunt mourners. Such a person was not given the respect of being buried during the day. They were buried at night. They were not even given the dignity of being buried at home. They were buried outside the fence of the homestead, or e gunda. They were declared outcasts in the community and their stories told in hushed tones. People were warned not to name a child after such deviants. Victims of suicide were publicly shamed.

The Luo people understood suicide as self-murder. If murder is “the unlawful killing of one human by another, especially with premeditated malice”, then “self-murder” is a “crime”, which involves the unlawful killing of oneself with premeditated malice. There was absolutely no justification for suicide, hence the punishment, and the victims were treated the same way as people who committed murder in the community. Even today, it is not uncommon, for a murderer in the village to be murdered, and even if they are jailed, it is not uncommon for their homes will be destroyed and razed down, almost to erase them and their deeds from communal memory. The Luo did not take issues of self-murder kindly. You had to pay for your act, though dead, before being buried. Those who attempted suicide also received maximum flogging. This was to discourage other people from committing suicide. The punishment was to serve the purposes of deterrence.

In a sense, the Luo conceptualization of suicide in ancient times was similar to the Penal code that Kenya inherited from the British colonial system. In Kenya, today, the Penal Code Cap 63, on Offenses Connected with Murder and Suicide, particularly those sections that deal with aiding suicide (Section 225) and attempting suicide (Section 226), states that “Any person who attempts to kill himself is guilty of a misdemeanor”.

#Suicide in African Cultures – The Kalenjin (Kenya)

20 kilometers West of Eldoret, along the Sosiani River, there is a waterfall, a 70-metre cliff separating a flat land from the rocky escarpment. They call it Koromosho or Chepkit Waterfalls. Old men and women would gather here, convinced that they had become a burden to the community, that they had become too dependent, they would gather here to sing their last songs. It was a ritual, known to many as Sheu.

On these banks, the old of the old, people who felt they had outlived their expectations gathered here voluntarily, sometimes in groups, to hold hands and hurtle down the cliff to their deaths. Their bodies would then be washed by the river downstream and be eaten by wild animals. This was their way of dying in peace without putting undue demand on the community to perform funeral rites, of having complete autonomy of their own lives. This was a common practice among the people we call today as the Kalenjin.

I hear that in Kapsimotwa, located on the Nandi Escarpment in the Great Rift Valley, there is another rocky cliff where old men performed the Sheu Morobi – meaning “there we go forever” in Nandi – jumping 450-metres to their ends.

They did this after ritualistic celebration, of delicacies, honey, and milk, and ceremonies with relatives, who’d feed them with a last delicious meal. They did this to relieve their loved ones from the pain of caring for their old dying bodies. It was an honourable act for an elder to jump off Sheu Morobi.

This ritual, Sheu/ Sheu Morobi, is what we call euthanasia in modern times, practiced here tens and hundreds of years ago.

A Systems Theory Approach to Tackling Insecurity in Kenya

These are initial thoughts on how systems theory can be applied to tackling the rampant insecurity situation in Kenya, particularly petty crimes in urban centres.

1. REGISTRATION OF PERSONS: Introduce a single electronic ID, linked to a single registration of persons database, for all Kenyans over 18 years of age (and an electronic birth certificate for those under 18 years). This ID will be used for registration anywhere in the country, whether it is universities and colleges, opening bank accounts, accessing government services, registering businesses, seeking employment, leasing rental, virtually everything.

2. HOUSING: Introduce a buildings/ premises/ residential registration law requiring all buildings, classified under different categories to register with a single institution/database. Everybody in Kenya, when they rent a house or an office building, will be required to register with this body. This means that a government agency can check in real time the current residence of anybody so long as they are in possession of their electronic ID. All landlords will be required to update the details of their tenants once every month and not more than 3 days after a tenant moves houses. The new landlord must register a new tenant using the same ID. In the database, it will show that person X moved from house A to house B. All persons, over 18, without the ability to rent a house, will be required to register with the same government agency as homeless people, state their current place of staying. These are the people who will be automatically eligible for public housing schemes. Once a person is able to rent their own house, the Landlords entry of their ID as a tenant automatically removes them from the homeless list. Every three months, the government will review the database to determine whether landlords, particularly those in cities and towns, have updated their details and those of their tenants, and a big fine will be imposed on noncompliance.

3. TRANSPORT: Develop “closed” public transportation systems, such as transit hubs or intermodal transit hubs, where everybody buys tickets at the electronic counters, with the only requirements being the electronic ID and money (cash, card, mobile). Like in developed countries, this ticket is what is used to gain entry to the gates to the boarding platforms (for trains, buses, tram, airports etc). All stations across the country, will be required to install these electronic counters. In places without electricity, battery operated hand-held receipting technologies should be used, even as the governments invests to ensure all regions in Kenya are connected to the electric grid. All these information will again be held in a single government database for the transport ministry. Instead of expanding the existing roads, I’ll suggest connecting all major towns in Kenya through rail, and standardize transportation scheduling, both for passenger and freight, across the country. Even personal cars, when getting to main roads, must be identified.

4. TRADE: In addition to upgrading regulations in trade (and finance & banking – this needs a bigger space as it relates to corruption and transacting criminal proceeds). Create a new law governing the sale of second-hand goods. The dealers of second hand-goods must be specifically registered with a specific agency under the ministry of trade. All persons selling to the second-hand stores must be issued with a receipt that has electronically captured their ID and what they sold. When we make it extremely difficult to sell to second-hand stores while also requiring that the person disposing off the good must be registered, we will be targeting the supply chain for stolen goods. You can steal but have nowhere to sell, even as new technologies come up that make it difficult to erase identifiers in gargets, especially with the rise of the Internet of Things (IoTs). To buy a second hand good, one would need to go to a second-hand store, not buy from another person directly.

5. LAW ENFORCEMENT: Create a professional law enforcement agency. There are too many parts to this, but the core of it is creating a professional police service in every sense of the word. And a functional criminal justice system.

6. EDUCATION: To tackle the root of all forms of insecurity, introduce knowledge on all types of crimes in the school curriculum from primary, secondary, and tertiary, so that children grow knowing what criminal acts entail and their associated punishments. This is, of course, in addition to a curriculum that do not render people too poor to survive in the future.

7. I have only tackled registration of persons, housing, transportation, trade, police training,criminal justice system, education, etc and there are many more, but as you can see, eliminating insecurity is not about just employing more policemen or giving them bigger guns, but rather creating a system where the risks of crime far outweigh the rewards of it. You steal in place A, CCTV cameras pick your face, feeds it to all the systems, you buy a ticket to get into a public transportation system, the system sends signals. You are arrested either in the train/bus/car or when you alight at the next station, or when you get home, or you’ll be forced to be a fugitive. As it happens now, person A steals in Street A, runs to street B 10 metres away and just like that he has escaped punishment. And even if he/she escapes, there is the other question of where to dispose it off. All these increase the risks. All these developments will create thousands, if not millions of jobs, and deal with the reason why people steal in the first place, while simultaneously enhancing public safety.

Our problem today is that there is a system breakdown/ dysfunction. If those systems work, we’ll have less people feeling that the rewards of petty crime far outweigh the risks, leading to less people on the streets losing their property.

The biggest advantage, however, will be on the wealth of information in those databases which can be analyzed using big data tools to aid in policy making and developing a culture of constant improvement of the lives of Kenyans.

Distraction is the Function of Racism and How Black/African Intellectuals Nourish It

One of the things I have realized with other cultures, and forgive me because I’m going to make a generalization, particularly those cultures homogenizing to challenge the global hegemony of what we call the Judeo-Christian culture, typically Europe and America, which were (are) the recent/dominant players in colonialism and imperialism, is that they do not care about what Europe and America thinks about their culture. The generalization in terms of cultures that I’m talking about are the Arabic, Chinese, Japanese, Indian, and many ‘national cultures, in the Asia Pacific, do not situate themselves as the periphery.

So this is my point:

To the West, which has situated itself as the centre, as the global, Africa and its peoples are conceived as a peripheral entity, and as peripheries are always conceived and perceived, Africa is presented as small and uncomplicated, 54+ countries become one country, a billion plus people are fit into easy to memorise stereotypes, and symbols of denigration are used to keep them in their place, angry and responding to nonsenses forever.

Just try to estimate the amount of African intellectual resources spent on responding to the recent H&M ad.

As the centre, the West sees no need to differentiate Africa because that would mess with centuries of history that have enabled the excavation of African lands, peoples, and minds, and justified the dispossession. To cement the narrative, there are tomes of books that have been written to explain racism and colonialism, and almost all of them, including the ones written by black people maintain the power relationship (the oppressor (read white man) and the oppressed (read black man)). These books simply explain, they have no desire to destroy the structure. This has led to an internalization of an inferiority complex among the oppressed, one that is maintained by their intellectuals.

Every day you’ll wake up to a new book explaining racist structures and how they affect your entire life, and your children, and your grandchildren for ages and ages. And these things are taught in school. So even in African countries, what is taught is history according to the colonizer, the intruder. What should instead be taught is the history of how our people fought colonization, the history of resistance, who were the fighters, where was the fighting, what did we win. The use of propaganda, everywhere in the world is to exaggerate the wins and diminish/erase the loss. History is not truth, it is a (re)interpretation of events or non-events in a way that allows it to serve or challenge power, in a way that dignifies the lives of the future generations.

My reasoning, therefore, is that to move the centre, to move the narrative of the African life away from the periphery, African children should not be taught colonization as if it was the beginning of African history, rather they should be taught the thousands of years of African history, and colonization only taught as an interruption to that history. Focus should be on the African side of the story.

In the same vein, I think racism and racist structures and their nature of oppression should not be taught to children, not even Black Americans. The elaborate education of the African child on the structure of their own oppression, I think, kills their fighting spirit at a young age. They begin their lives as lesser human beings. They give up, because, it presents racism and racist superstructures like white supremacy as this huge concrete sky that the African must spend their whole lives fighting and still have no chance of winning. If you are following, then you’ll realize this is the point where I agree with Cornel West’s charge against Ta Nehisi Coates. I don’t want to read another book on white supremacy that renders black fight back invisible. But even beyond Cornel West, I want visions of us that do not present black lives as being in a perpetual struggle against whites, one that recognizes the wholesomeness of the black man and presents him or her as an intelligent participant in the imagination and creation of this civilization.

In today’s world, I want young Africans to throw away narratives of inadequacy and subjugation and exploit the knowledge of the world, irrespective of who produced it, to dignify their tomorrow, as a participant in knowledge creation. Let us flatten the world and destroy the seeming permanence of oppressed-oppressor relationship. Doing this needs a completely different perspective.

The best African brains must spend their entire lives responding to some shitty symbols and descriptions about them written or said by the racist system, instead of describing Africans in the wholesome ways, and situating our own dignity. Jennifer Nansubuga’s ‘Kintu’ can teach us how colonialism can be erased, or its centrality diminished, when historicizing the life of the African. The other books that African children should be exposed to are Afrofuturism and African sci-fi from authors like Nnedi Okorafor – as a way of preparing young African minds to battle with the ideas of the future that all young peoples of the world are battling with, not stories of colonialism and racism.

The Chinese, Japanese, Arabs, Indian, cultures do not spend time in examining how the white has oppressed them, not to the extent that Africans do, yet the colonizers and imperialists ravaged their lands too, and even continue today. They steal the best ideas from white men, add to their even more brilliant ideas, and as we have seen now, all the brilliant technologies, being applied at mass scale, are coming from our Asian and Asia Pacific neighbors. In short, they are situating themselves as the centre and they are not apologetic about it. The Arabic, Chinese, Japanese, Indian etc. They have their own philosophies, their own bibles, and treasure their own languages. They use their languages in conceptualizing the world. In Africa we say our languages are not complex enough to present complex ideas. In Africa, we don’t have our own bibles. A billion people are surviving on borrowed religion, borrowed philosophies. The African man is a strong man. Perhaps the strongest in the universe. It is time for the African man and woman to begin thinking of themselves as the (possible) colonizer, as the centre of power, not as the subject that can only respond/react to hegemonic power.


Is Majimboism the Answer to Kenya’s Political Problems

In the 1960s, US writer, Paul Theroux, described Kenya as a “querulous republic”, as simply an assortment of ethnic communities fiercely competing for control of the centre. Did he see something in us, something that we have been unable to see ourselves, or maybe we have just refused to accept?

I have argued in the past against secession, as pushed by David Ndii, and argued instead for autonomous regions like the Majimbo Constitution one that was supported by Masinde Muliro and Ronald Ngala.

We need to go back to something like the Majimbo Constitution of 1963, the short-lived quasi federal experiment that divided legislative and executive powers between the central government and seven regions. Not only did it seek to create a framework for a just distribution of political power, but it aimed to safeguard the interests of the smaller ethnic groups from marginalization and domination by larger ethnic groups.

At independence, the Kikuyu-Luo alliance was the threat to smaller ethnic groups, and Masinde Muliro argued that federalism would protect the interests of the Kalenjin, Baluhya, and the coastal tribes. The African Kenya Democratic Union (KADU) was founded to defend the interests of the smaller tribes, the so called KAMATUSA (Kalenjin, Maasai, Turkana, and Samburu) against the dominance of Kikuyus and Luos in KANU.

Masinde Muliro argued that majimboism was ideal because it provided for “free association” and prevented “imposed unity”.

The Kikuyu-Luo alliance didn’t last long, and has often reappeared with more promises in our short history, but today, the fear is Kikuyu-Kalenjin alliance and the problems foresaw in 1963 are everywhere for everybody to see.

One would think Masinde Muliro foresaw the “tyranny of numbers” ideology.

That is history for you. What you support vehemently today will whip your ass tomorrow. The super brilliant KANU Secretary General, and then Minister for Constitutional Affairs, Tom Mboya, taunted Masinde Muliro’s ideas as “an experiment that [was full of] unworkable and unfair provisions”.

In his book, Not Yet Uhuru, Jaramogi Odinga wrote “the [majimbo] constitution was based on artificially engendered fears, for it is obvious that the European settlers and the British Government helped KADU and accorded it an importance out of proportion to its popular support.”

If Jaramogi was alive today, would he call them “artificially engendered fears”? He added that the a majimbo system was too expensive, in terms of money and personnel, and that it prevented the growth of nationhood and retarded economic development. That it was too legalistic and cumbersome, literally requiring a battery of legal experts and clerks at the Centre and Regions to interpret the dos and the don’ts hidden in the myriad legally worded clauses if it was ever to work.

Ha. Ha. Yet it is the failure of majimbo that opened the door to and strengthened Kenyatta’s Kikuyu-dominated oligarchy, and and Mboya and Odinga were the first victims.

There is a paper, “Is Majimbo Federalism? Constitutional Debate in a Tribal Shark Tank” published by Willy Mutunga and Peter Kagwanja on May 20, 2001. By then, Willy Mutunga was the Executive Director of the Kenya Human Rights Commission. Mr. Kagwanja, a doctoral candidate, is a Programme Associate at the Commission. It has a good number of arguments against Majimboism.

The original Bomas drafts had this 1963 vision but the Kibaki government mutilated it and if you are not a child, you can probably remember the anti-Raila propaganda about his talks on Majimboism. You can remember the talks that Raila wanted people to obtain visas while traveling to Mombasa and Kisumu bla bla. The kila mtu atarudi kwao.

In the end, the consensus was a watered down document, that preserved some core parts of the status quo – devolution and the county governments. Still, I have always viewed the 47 counties as an attempt to go back to that lost vision, especially if you look at how the counties are regrouping into economic blocks.

This is what Kenya needs. I believe this is what we lost when Jomo Kenyatta began centralizing the state and killing those who disagreed with his idea of turning the nation-state into his Kingdom.

Maybe we need to reread Masinde Muliro and Ronald Ngala, put KANU aside and relook at KADU’s ideas.

Maybe all we need to accept is that we are “a querulous republic”, now that we have evidence in our 50+ post-independence period, something that the Mboyas and Odingas did not have (they believed too much in Kenyatta’s ‘honesty’), and maybe go back to where we began and start again, on the right path.

Notes On the Secession Debates in Kenya

There is no need for secession, at least in Kenya now. Even if different regions were to secede, say, Kenya ends up divided into two, it would just be the start of a long disintegration process, where every region, loosely based on the semi-autonomous regions (provinces) at independence, will want to be a state. Even if Kikuyuland is joined with Kalenjinland in these debates, there is really no long term justification for the two groups to remain tied in the hip forever, even though they are dominating Kenya’s state infrastructure now. The same applies to the Luos and the other smaller or marginalized ethnic groups. Wandia Njoya also recently wrote a very important analysis of how our ‘tribe’ classifications have been fluid and have changed so much if you look at the classifications in the censuses in pre and post-colonial Kenya.

A recent example is the disintegration of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. From the 80s to the 90s, SFR Yugoslavia was engulfed in political crisis and inter-ethnic wars due to unresolved issues. In the end, a country that was made up of six republics drawn along ethnic and historical lines: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia and Slovenia. Add World War II to the mix, add Tito and Slobodan Milošević, add the revolutions of 1989 in Eastern Europe, and in 1990 you have the dissolution of the SFR Yugoslavia. From 1990, each of those regions went their separate ways. So from the SFR Yugoslavia which was created in 1943, the breakup which started in the 1990s, led to the independence of Croatia in 1991, Slovenia in 1991, Republic of Serbian Krajina tried between q991 to 1995 and ended up being part of Croatia, Republic of Macedona in 1991, Bosnia and Herzegovina 1995, etc etc. It is contestable whether they have become better states. Also look at the continuing disintegration of the USSR.

The constitution presents secession as a clean deal, signature on a paper, backed by an ideological understanding of self-determination, but in reality, it is a long and painful process, and the benefits are not always guaranteed, especially in Africa. Secession is not always a solution. In most cases, it is a consequence of the weak glues holding the constituent parts of a nation-state melting away. But even if its pursuit is fairly peaceful, say like the referendum for Scottish independence, we also have to look at the history of neighbouring states. In the process of disintegration, what will prevent Somalia from coming for the Northern Frontier District that Kenya stole from them? What will prevent Uganda from laying a stake on the western region of Kenya and the Rift Valley? How about Ethiopia grabbing Turkanaland? Afterall they have been eyeing it since forever. And in that process, Tanzania would simply carter away Kenya’s Coast region. You will find yourself seceding from Kenya only to end up in Uganda or Somalia. LOL.

It is for this reason that for a region to secede, in a volatile region such as ours, it must have a semblance of a standing army to protect itself, not only from the old cruel state it is breaking away from, but also the new neighbours who see it as small potatoes that can be whipped into the bellies with groundnut soup. The police and the army are the state’s tools for enacting the monopoly of violence, at home and abroad. I’m only seeing, say for example Luos throwing stones. I’m not seeing them having machine guns under their beds.

I have written here, a lot about the economic viability of small states, with the exception of a few. If I was to make decisions, Africa itself should have been say 10 huge federal republics, instead of 54+ countries. Populations and market sizes are important factors when looking at the economic viability of a state. Huge nation-states with huge populations, if managed well, become the strongest players in international relations. There is a correlation between population growth and urbanization, and a close correlation with economic development, this is because urban centres are melting pots for innovation and provide environments for increasing economies of scale, if managed well. Look at all the rich countries in the world. They are urban countries. This is why I always find it contradictory when population control, in sparsely populated Africa, is promoted. Just like in every region in the world, the biggest and powerful countries in Africa, will be those with huge populations hence huge markets. Imagine the wealth a company can generate selling nipple rings to 200 million Nigerians compared to 4 million Luos in Kenya.

The nature of the nation-state is also changing. We should be careful not to be stuck on Westphalian sovereignty or the nationalistic impulses of the 19th and 20th centuries. We are now in the age of state captures and corporatocracies and I want to go and live in Mars. Like I always say, even in the midst of political persecution, we should also try to outthink some of these entrenched models of imagining nation-states, , in addition to championing for increased autonomy of counties while killing imperial presidency by changing the structure of government so that a president is not elected through popular vote but through elected representatives from each county.

It is also important not add that the fact that different regions, have at one point entertained the idea, from the North Eastern, to the Coast, to Central at one point, to the loud ethnonationalism in Rift Valley at one time, and the seething sentiment in the Nyanza and Western regions for sometime now, shows that, while some tribes have been bloodied more than others in post-independent Kenya, the cause of this oppression and injustice, has not been tribal groups, but rather the elite group capturing the state, which for a long time has been the group Jomo Kenyatta created to leech the nation. So many people, including Uhuru Kenyatta, are beneficiaries of this system that continues to hold Kenya captive.

Once a while, one one tribe is played against another through propaganda for political expediency, and then state infrastructure is used to profile and persecute certain tribes. The tribes enjoying the privilege of safety at that point are programmed to celebrate the oppression of the other and given crumbs to feel a sense of belonging at the banquet table. Sometimes resources actually flow their way, and development, to psychologically manipulate them that conform and we give you tge cake, rebel and we withdraw the cake, making them perptual slaves to elite manipulation. This cheerleading the oppression of others is what we rage against. But at the root of this is class, and if people could be made to understand this, we’ll be talking about the need of revolution, an act where one class violently overthrows the other, and not secession, because what we need is an equal share at the table. I’m distrustful of Dr. Ndii pigeonholing NASA strongholds, now, with secession calls. If such calls, as I have seen are purely based on tribes, aka the Luo et al, getting their country, one wonders what Dr. Ndii hopes to gain, or he is now the saviour of the Luos (and other unconsulted communities bundled in Country B)?

We have serious historical injustices and political issues, but secession is not the magic bullet. I need more countries in Africa building bigger and stronger political and economic unions.